The Mycenaean Tholos Tomb of Tzannata (Poros, Kefalonia) and the Question of Odysseus’ Historicity
Abstract
This post presents a philological and archaeological examination of the monumental Mycenaean tholos tomb at Tzannata (Bourtzi–Rogos), Poros, in southeastern Kefalonia (Cephalonia), and considers its possible identification as the grave of the Homeric Odysseus. Drawing on targeted field research, excavation reports, material finds, and topographic comparisons with Homeric descriptions, the study assesses two interlinked questions: first, whether Homeric Ithaca corresponds to a real geographical-political entity; and second, whether the administrative centre (asty) associated with Odysseus might be localized in Kefalonia rather than on the modern island called Ithaca (Ithaki). The post argues that the archaeological evidence from the Herakleian plain - Pronnoi (S.E Kefalonia) and, in particular, the monumental tholos tomb at Tzannata, offers a compelling candidate for the funerary centre of the Mycenaean ruling elite of the Cephallenians and thus merits serious consideration in the debate on Odysseus’ historicity.
Since the discovery (3 September 1991) of the monumental tholos tomb of the Mycenaean period at the site of Bourtzi–Rogos in Tzanata, near Poros in southeastern Kefalonia, within the framework of our targeted research [1] concerning the location of the asty of Homeric Ithaca, and in conjunction with the content of the first scientific reports issued after the excavation of the monument (1992–1993) by the archaeologist Dr. Lazaros Kolonas, as well as the subsequent scholarly discussion that has followed to the present day, a decisive and critical question has continued to hover:
Could the monumental royal tholos tomb of Tzanata in southeastern Kefalonia in fact be the tomb of Odysseus?
In order to answer this question—and even before we address whether Odysseus existed as a historical individual—two fundamental preliminary questions must first be posed.
The first question is whether the so-called Homeric Ithaca, as it is described in the Homeric epics, truly existed and was not merely a product of Homer’s imagination.
If the answer is affirmative—that Homeric Ithaca did indeed exist, precisely as it is recorded and described in detail in the epics [2] (even if it lies far from being identical with the modern island bearing that name since historical times)—then the inquiry naturally advances to its second and far more complex stage.
Given that on the modern island of Ithaca, despite more than two centuries of continuous archaeological exploration, no Mycenaean settlement has been identified that could plausibly justify the existence of a Mycenaean center of the kind associated with Odysseus, must we not then consider whether this long-sought center lay elsewhere within his dominion? Might it not be the case—indeed, the most obvious case—that it was situated in Kefalonia, the largest and most resource-rich island of the Ionian, with its indisputable central and strategic position, and with archaeological evidence demonstrating the greatest number of Mycenaean sites anywhere in the Ionian [3]? Could it not therefore have been here that the elusive administrative center (asty) of the leader of the mighty Cephallenians was located, together with his burial grounds?
As subsequent developments have shown, it seems that the obvious was indeed the case. This question, after so many years of investigations and excavations across all the Ionian islands, and especially following the discovery and excavation of the monumental tholos tomb of Tzanata, can now be approached with the benefit of a significantly enriched body of evidence. The excavator of the monument and former Director-General of Antiquities at the Ministry of Culture, Dr. Lazaros Kolonas, has characteristically declared on this very issue:
“Taking as my point of departure the recent but archaeologically unfounded agitation concerning the supposed location of Homeric Ithaca, I must remind the international scholarly community that an answer to this question can only be provided by the magnificent royal tomb unearthed in the early 1990s at Tzanata, near Poros in Kefalonia” [4].
And he further observes:
“It is now certain that in the area of Tzanata there was a long-standing and significant Mycenaean presence, signaling the existence there of an important Mycenaean center, which must inevitably be connected with the question of Homeric Ithaca” [5].
In the event, it indeed required many years of investigations at every level—a long intellectual journey beginning in the early 19th century—before, at the close of the 20th century, the archaeologist’s spade would finally encounter, in the so-called “Herakleian Plain,” the first archaeological proofs after the discovery of a settlement belonging to the disputed period, a site that, as all the evidence suggests, appears to have a direct relation to the much-sought asty (administrative center) of Homeric Ithaca.
According to the archaeological data made public thus far [6], in combination with the corroboration afforded by the archaic topography reflected in the Homeric epics [7], it is revealed—both archaeologically and interpretively—that in southeastern Kefalonia (the Herakleian Plain), specifically in the region between Skala, Poros, Tzanata, and Mount Ainos, at the site of Riza–Rogos near the impressive gorge of Poros where the river Vochynas has its outlet, the long-sought Mycenaean center of Odysseus’ era in the islands of the Cephallenians was indeed located [8].
It therefore becomes entirely reasonable to pose—and to seek an answer to—the fundamental question: whether the monumental tholos tomb of Tzanata, which is connected by an impressive processional road to the adjacent Mycenaean settlement, might in fact be the very burial site that received the interments of the ruling elite of that time, among whom, according to the epics, the most illustrious position belongs to Odysseus himself—the leader of the Cephallenians, the inspirer of the Trojan Horse, and the conqueror of Troy.
Was Odysseus, then, an actual historical figure of his time, as he is described in the Homeric epics, so that we might legitimately speak of his tomb—or was he not?
In truth, two dominant views prevail. The first maintains that Odysseus was indeed a real individual of the Late Bronze Age, presented and etymologically shaped in the Homeric poems [9]. The second argues that the name—variously attested as Odys(s)eus, Olyttheus, Oly(s)seus, Oliseus, Olysses, Ulyxes, Ulixes in Latin, and Utuse in Etruscan—is of pre-Greek origin and did not, at least initially, designate a historical person of the Mycenaean period. Rather, it represented a folkloric figure, a culture hero whose myth may be traced in parallel traditions of other civilizations of the distant past.
Odysseus Laertiades, Anax of the Land of the Cephallenians
According to the first hypothesis, if Odysseus did in fact exist as a real person of his time—as the epics attest—descended from the line of Arceisius, whether under that very name or masquerading as a Cretan named Aithon (Αίθων) [10], or even as Outis (Ούτις)= “Nobody” [11] as he styled himself before the Cyclops Polyphemus, and if he died and was buried in his native land [12], then it is reasonable to suppose that this monumental tholos tomb at Tzanata received his remains, just as it had received those of his ancestors and descendants. For in the valley of Tzanata–Agia Eirini (the so-called Herakleian Plain), a powerful Mycenaean center flourished, which for more than three centuries exercised control over the western insular Greece. The tomb, whose most significant construction phase corresponds to the time of Odysseus [13], was an elite, princely, and emblematic burial, the last abode of the ruling class that governed this island kingdom—encompassing present-day Lefkada, Ithaca, Cephalonia, and possibly Zakynthos, together with possessions on the adjacent mainland coasts of Acarnania and northwestern Peloponnese [14]—from ca. 1350 to 1050 BCE (as archaeological evidence and excavation reports confirm).
If, however, the second hypothesis is correct—that Odysseus never existed as a historical person but was a pre-Greek figure, a popular hero whose symbolic resonance shaped the social imagination of his time—then one of the rulers of the Mycenaean center at Tzanata, active and prominent in the events of that period, may have “assumed” the name or symbolic role of Odysseus. Perhaps his comparable naval and piratical exploits earned him the honorific epithet, or even the actual name, of the “folk-hero Odysseus.” He would then have been the “Odysseus” of his own age. In either case, the conclusion remains unchanged: the Odysseus—whether historical or symbolic, whether his name was authentic or adopted—represents the last Mycenaean ruler to whom we owe the final redaction of the epic cycle now known as the Odyssey. This epic was composed (or re-composed) with him as its central figure, commemorating the illustrious king of the Mycenaean center at Tzanata, whose floruit appears to lie in the Late Helladic IIIA–IIIC periods [15].
The epic itself, conventionally called the Odyssey by later historians, is a composite work that interweaves at least three earlier epic motifs—those of the Telemachy, the Phaeacian Tale, and the Nekyia. Yet in this form it is addressed to, and seeks to glorify, this singular ruler (cf. the opening verses of the Odyssey) [16]. Recent studies [17], adopting a biographical approach to early epic poetry, confirm the antiquity of the Odyssey and trace its substratum to parallel epic compositions, which were locally adapted to celebrate the deeds of various leaders of Mycenaean palatial elites. Such research allows us to understand the trajectory of the poem—from Crete to the Ionian islands—and its successive adaptations, which integrated it firmly within the genuine toponymic, geographic, and topographical realities of the Late Helladic IIIA–IIIC period. Thus, with compelling verisimilitude, it extolled the achievements of the rulers of the flourishing Mycenaean center of southeastern Cephalonia, whose name survives in Homeric texts as the asty of “hyponeios Ithaca” (Υπονηίου Ιθάκης) [18], situated at Rogos (Riza), near the harbor of Rheithron [19] (the modern river Vochinas, which bisects the town of Poros,-the ancient port of the ancient city-state of Pronnoi,- whose use lasted until very recently, [the mid-20th century]).
Beyond stretches the fertile Herakleian plain, dominated by the majestic, fir-clad Mount Ainos, the “Neriton,” celebrated as the pride of Odysseus and of all Cephallenians everywhere (Odyssey 9.19–28).
At the end of the gorge, upon the prominent hill of Bourzi–Rogos at the village of Riza–Tzanata, a powerful Mycenaean center arose in Odysseus’ time. Archaeology suggests that this center exercised dominion over the four Ionian islands (Cephalonia, Ithaca, Lefkada, Zakynthos) as well as adjacent coastal territories.
The ruler in question—the “Anax of the Cephallenians” [20], as he is styled—is therefore the figure to whom we owe the final surviving version of these epic motifs under the title Odyssey. Whether as “Odysseus feigning” under the alias Aithon, as Outis, or as the genuine Odysseus, descendant of the indigenous line of Arceisius, it is most likely that he was among those interred, along with his forebears and descendants, within the royal tholos tomb at Tzanata. The skeletal remains discovered—unfortunately disturbed through ancient looting from the central built chamber, the subsidiary chambers, and the adjacent ossuary—have already yielded preliminary insights [21], while future analyses, especially DNA studies, may yet reveal kinship relationships among the individuals buried in this singular monument.
Photographs of the carefully constructed cists within the tomb reveal the places where the deceased were interred.
The impression of this seal—the most valuable among the assemblage of seal-stones and luxurious grave goods—was found within the built larnax of the central burial of the princely tholos tomb at Tzannata. These items are now preserved in the Archaeological Museum of Argostoli, the product of the excavations conducted under the direction of Dr. Kolonas.
A further comparandum arises from a red-figure kylix dating to ca. 490 B.C., now in the Kunsthistorisches Museum in Vienna, which depicts Odysseus holding his shield—seemingly adorned with the very emblem described by Homer (Odyssey 19.225–231)—as he delivers Achilles’ armour to Neoptolemus. Strikingly, the device upon the hero’s shield corresponds in theme to that engraved on the rock-crystal seal accompanying the dead within the tholos tomb at Tzannata.
This is not, however, the only instance where the Homeric epics furnish us with detailed descriptions of personal possessions belonging to named figures of the heroic age. A famous example is the ornate golden cup of Nestor, described in Iliad 11.632–635. A vessel corresponding closely to Homer’s description was unearthed by Schliemann in Grave IV of Grave Circle A at Mycenae. Today, this so-called “Cup of Nestor” is displayed in the National Archaeological Museum at Athens, its form answering with remarkable precision to Homer’s account. Such comparanda highlight the degree to which archaeological discovery may intersect with poetic testimony.
The rich assemblage of miniature craftsmanship, seal-stones, and other precious objects from the tholos tomb has been discussed extensively in the lecture delivered by Dr. Kolonas on the subject, later published in the proceedings of the 2005 conference held at Poros in Kefalonia.
Final Conclusion
References / Bibliography
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Putman Cramer, H. & Metaxas, G. (1990). Preliminary reflections on the identification of South-East Kefalonia with Homeric Ithaca. For a comprehensive account see: Henriette Metaxas-Putman Cramer, Makis Metaxas, Jan Pierce, John Pierce, IN FAR SEEN ITHACA Unravelling Homeric Riddles in the Ionian Sea (forthcoming).
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Homer, Iliad 2.631–637 (Catalogue of Ships); Odyssey 9.19–28; Odyssey 13.236–249.
Iakovidis, S. (1980). “Kefallinia, Ithaki and Zakynthos during the Mycenaean Period.” Proceedings of the 6th Panionian Congress, vol. A, 85–103. Moschos, I. (2005). “The Region of Pronnoi and the Eastern Coast of Kefalonia before History: Topography, Catalogue of Sites, and Conclusions.” Proceedings of the Conference on the Letters, History, and Folklore of the Pronnoi Region, Poros, 227–324.
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Kolonas, L. (2014). “Archaeological Discoveries in South-East Kefalonia.” Archaeologia Online. Available at: archaiologia.gr/print-article/?print=35604.
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Kolonas, L. (2005). “Built Chamber Tomb at Tzannata, Poros of Kefalonia.” Kefalliniaka Chronika 11: 381–382.
Ioannis Moschos, “The Area of Pronnon and the eastern coast of Cephalonia before history, topography of the island, catalogue of sites and conclusions,” Proceedings of the Pronnon Region Conference 2005, pp. 227–324.
Lazaros Kolonas: “Tzannata of Poros,” Archaiologikon Deltion, vol. 47 (1992), part B1, Chronika, pp. 154–157.
Lazaros Kolonas: archaiologia.gr/print-article/?print=35604
Lazaros Kolonas: “Built Chamber Tomb at Tzannata of Poros, Cephalonia,” Kephalliniaka Chronika, vol. 11, pp. 381–382.
Lazaros Kolonas: Proceedings of the Conference on Letters, History and Folklore of the Pronnon region, “The Tholos Tomb of Tzannata of Poros,” p. 339.
Antonis Vasilakis: ttp://www.elliniki-gnomi.eu/archives/47791 “‘Odysseus was king of the Cephalonians’” | ELLINIKI GNOMI.
Antonis Vasilakis: Kefallonia Newspaper, interview with Dr. Antonis Vasilakis by Athanasia Markatou & archaiologia.gr/print-article/?print=35604
Antonis Vasilakis (Honorary Director, Ministry of Culture; Former Ephor of Antiquities of Cephalonia–Ithaca & Zakynthos): “Mycenaean Seminar: Late Helladic Apsidal / Ellipsoid (Ovoid) Megaron at Tzannata of Poros, Cephalonia.”
Ioannis Moschos, “Mycenaean occupation in Cephalonia. Population nuclei, list of sites and conclusions,” 7th Panionian Conference announcement, Lefkada, 2002.
Odysseas Metaxas, “Observations on the early biography of the Odyssey,” 2020, Kymothoe magazine, vol. 30, pp. 55–84.
Athens APE-MPE: “The most important archaeological events in Greece in 2011,” scientists speaking to APE-MPE, 28 Dec. 2011.
Lazaros Kolonas: “Ancient Installations of Southeastern Cephalonia,” 7th Panionian Conference, vol. 2, pp. 37–45, Lefkada 2002.
Georgia Stratouli, Odysseas Metaxas, Anastasios Bekiaris, Anagia Sarpaki: “Practical social cohesions in the Neolithic of the Ionian: readings of archaeological material from the Drakaina Cave in Poros, Cephalonia,” 11th International Panionian Conference (Corfu, 30 April – 4 May 2014), published in the Proceedings 2017.
E. M. Chatziotou–G. Stratouli–E. Kotzambopoulou, “The Cave of Drakaina,” Archaeological Proceedings of Athens (1989), pp. 31–60 & Evangelia-Miranda Chatziotou, Georgia Stratouli, “The Drakaina Cave at Poros Cephalonia: evidence for prehistoric use and cult in historical times,” Proceedings of the 6th Panionian Conference, vol. A, pp. 61–76.
Klavs Randsborg, KEPHALLENIA: Archaeology & History, The Ancient Greek Cities, BLACKWELL MUNKSGAARD Vol. 1 & 2, 2002.
Stamatina Zapanti, “The participation of the Pronnon of Cephalonia in the Athenian Alliance,” Keph. Chronika, vol. 5, pp. 193–200.
Odysseas Metaxas: “Archaeolinguistic elements from Cephalonia,” IA Panionian Conference 2018, vol. IV, pp. 751–769. https://www.openbook.gr/ia-diethnes-panionio-synedrio/
John Albanese: “Some preliminary finds from the Tholos tomb and ossuary at Borzi Hill, Tzannata, Kefalonia: An example of a multidisciplinary approach to understanding the Lives and Deaths of Mycenaeans.”
Ioannis Boskos & Odysseas Metaxas: “The Tholos Tomb of Mavrata 80 years later,” Proceedings of the 1A Panionion Conference 2018, 5th volume, pp. 125-137. https://panionio.files.wordpress.com/2020/07/04-boskos-metaxas-sel.-123-138_m.pdf
Antonis Vasilakis: “Late Helladic Ellipsoidal Megaron at Tzannata of Poros. New evidence for the Late Helladic period in Cephalonia,” Proceedings 2018, vol. 5, pp. 51–74.
Lazaros Kolonas: “The geographic advantage, the relief and the prehistory of an area, decisive factors for the foundation of a Mycenaean installation. The example of Cephalonia,” Proceedings 2018, vol. 5, pp. 111–122.
Olympia Vikatos, “In the footsteps of the Taphians pirates: their wanderings in the Ionian Sea during the Late Bronze Age and the Dark Ages,” Proceedings 2018, pp. 75–110.
Christina Souyoudzoglou-Haywood, “Reuse and cult at the Mycenaean tombs of Kephalonia in the ancient historical periods,” Proceedings 2018, vol. 5, pp. 223–242.
Christina Souyoudzoglou-Haywood, Archaeology and the Search for Homeric Ithaca: The Case of Mycenaean Kephalonia Article in Acta Archaeologica · December 2018
Christina Souyoudzoglou-Haywood, Reuse and cult at the Mycenaean tombs of Kephalonia in the ancient historical periods. July 2020 In book: Proceedings of the XI Panionian International Conference, Argostoli Kefalonia 2018 (pp.223-242)
Christina Souyoudzoglou-Haywood, The Ionian Islands in the Bronze Age and Early Iron Age (3000-850 BC), 2nd edition. August 2025 Publisher: Liverpool University Press.
Christina Souyoudzoglou-Haywood, Islands in the stream:: a maritime perspective of the south-central Ionian islands in the Late Bronze Age, January 2022 DOI:10.2307/j.ctv22fqc0s.15 In book: Archaeology of the Ionian Sea (pp.117-136)
Christina Souyoudzoglou-Haywood, Archaeology of the Ionian Sea: Landscapes, seascapes and the circulation of people, goods and ideas from the Palaeolithic to the end of the Bronze Age January 2022 Publisher: OXBOW BOOKS
Petros Petratos, “From Heracles to the Dragon. Arakli and the strait of Poros,” Proceedings 1st Conference on the Letters, History and Folklore of the Pronnon region, Cephalonia 2005, pp. 379–395.
Petros Petratos, “Homeric Nymph Cave: Melissani Cave,” Keph. Chronika vol. 8, 2003, pp. 239–265.
Petros Petratos, “The Homeric Krokyleia,” Kephalliniaka Chronika, vol. 9, 2003, pp. 155–165.
Antonis Vasilakis: “Mycenaean settlement at Tzannata of Poros, Cephalonia,” archaiologia.gr/?p=35604
Henriette Putman Gramer – Gerasimos Metaxas, Homeric Ithaca: An unidentified Mycenaean center in the islands of the Cephalonians, Cactus Editions, Athens 2000.
https://www.pbs.org/show/odysseus-returns/
https://www.wsj.com/arts-culture/television/odysseus-returns-review-unearthing-myths-on-pbs-7b93c12f-
Putman Cramer, H. & Metaxas, G. (2000). Homeric Ithaca: An Unidentified Mycenaean Centre in the Islands of the Kephallenians. Athens: Kaktos.
Putman Cramer, H. & Metaxas, G. (2023). Εἰς Ἰθάκην Εὐδείελον. Athens: Reithron (e-book edition).
Petratos, P. (1999). “The Homeric Cave of the Nymphs: The Cave of Melissani.” Kefalliniaka Chronika 8: 239–265.
Petratos, P. (2003). “The Homeric Krokylia.” Kefalliniaka Chronika 9: 155–165.
Metaxas, O. (2020). “Observations on the Early Biography of the Odyssey.” Kymothoe magazine 30: p.p 55–84.
Pantazis, V. (2002). Homeric Zakynthos, the ‘Sacred’ Echines, and the Mystery of the Lost Doulichion. Athens: Periplous.
Pantazis, V. (1999). “The Size of Homeric Ithaca.” Kefalliniaka Chronika 8.
Randsborg, K. (2002). “Kephallenia: Archaeology and History.” In The Ancient Greek Cities, vol. 2, 15–29. Oxford: Blackwell Munksgaard.
Kolonas, L. (2002). As above.
Moschos, I. (2005). As above.
Metaxas, O. (2022). “Diverging Trajectories within the West Mycenaean Koine.” In Archaeology of the Ionian Sea. Oxford: Oxbow Books.
Stratouli, G. & Metaxas, O. (2022). “Human–Landscape Interaction in Neolithic Kephalonia: The Role of Drakaina Cave.” In Communities, Landscapes, and Interaction in Neolithic Greece. New York: Berghahn Books.
Stratouli, G. & Metaxas, O. (2017). “Tracing Social Changes in the Late/Final Neolithic Transition at Drakaina Cave.” In Communities in Transition. Oxford: Oxbow Books, 10.2307/j.ctvh1dtp5.37. -
Homer, Odyssey 1.180–186.
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Homer, Odyssey 19.399-412.
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Homer, Odyssey 24.270; Odyssey 19.183.
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Homer, Odyssey 9.364–367.
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Homer, Odyssey 11.135–137.
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Kolonas, L. (1992). Archaiologikon Deltion 47: 154–157.
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Homer, Iliad 2.631–637.
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See note 4.
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Homer, Odyssey 1.1–10.
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Metaxas, O. (2020). As above.
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Homer, Odyssey 3.81: (ἡμεῖς ἐξ Ἰθάκης ὑπονηΐου εἰλήλουθμεν)·We come from hyponeion Ithaca. Homer locates the "harbour of Rheithron" in Homeric Ithaca in the area ‘below [or near] to the wooded Neïon’ (the ὑπονήιος area), just outside the city (Άστυ).
Today most translators agree that the Neion was a mountain on Homeric Ithaca. It is our belief that ὑπονήιος [hypo-neion] area (the area ἐπί, ὑπό (περί, παρά) το νήιον), that is the area near the
harbour, in other words the ἐπίνειον or port serving the hinterland of Ithaca.
The word ἐπίνειον is still used today to mean a port serving an inland area: for example, Piraeus is the ἐπίνειον of Athens:
ὑπονήιον > ἐπινήιον > ἐπίνειον [etym. < anc. Gk. ἐπίνειον < επί- + -νειον/-νηιον < ναύς, ship]
It is important to mention here that, according to Eustathius (1613, 29-30), Neïon is listed by the ancient geographers Krates and Philoxenos in their catalogues of ports and harbours, not in the catalogues of mountains or anything else. A similar piece of information is preserved by Apollonios Sophistes (first century a.d.) in his only surviving work, the Homeric Lexicon (Λεξικόν κατὰ στοιχείον Ἰλιάδος καὶ Οδυσσείας), where he quotes Apion the grammarian as stating that ὑπονήιον is the name given to the port of Ithaca. For this issue Strabo (C. 454), unable to correctly interpret what Homer identified with the word Neïon, concludes that this is a vague question . -
Homer, Odyssey 1.180–186. (νηῦς δέ μοι ἥδ' ἕστηκεν ἐπ' ἀγροῦ νόσφι πόληος,ἐν λιμένι Ῥείθρῳ, ὑπὸ Νηΐῳ ὑλήεντι). I have anchored my ship in the fields outside the city, in the harbor of the river mouth), and Homer Odyssey 3.81 (ἡμεῖς ἐξ Ἰθάκης ὑπονηΐου εἰλήλουθμεν)·We come from hyponeion Ithaca, https://homericithaca.blogspot.com/2013/10/the-unique-harbour-of-rheithron-in.html
Euripides, Cyclops 103: “Odysseus of Ithaca, lord of the land of the Kephallenians.”
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Albanese, J. (2020). “Some Preliminary Finds from the Tholos Tomb and Ossuary at Borzi Hill, Tzannata, Kefalonia.” Revista Maracanan 22. Available at: http://seer.unirio.br/revistam/article/view/11211/10988.
Dr. Lazaros Kolonas – Short Biography. Dr. Lazaros Kolonas is a Greek archaeologist and Honorary General Director of Antiquities and Cultural Heritage at the Ministry of Culture. He studied archaeology at the University of Athens and earned his Ph.D. at the University of Rethymno with a dissertation on the Mycenaean center of Vounteni (Achaia). From 1973 to 2006 he served in the Archaeological Service, directing numerous excavations in Achaia, Aetolia-Acarnania, Kefalonia, and elsewhere, including the major Mycenaean site of Vounteni.In 1976, he supervised Jacques-Yves Cousteau’s underwater excavations at Antikythera, which yielded important finds and refined the dating of the famous shipwreck to around 60 BC—an early landmark in Greek underwater archaeology.He has taught cultural heritage management at the University of Patras, delivered lectures in Greece and abroad, and participated in drafting key legislation, including Law 3028/2002 on the protection of antiquities. He has served on major advisory bodies such as the Central Archaeological Council, and is a member of ICOM, the Archaeological Society at Athens, and the German and Austrian Archaeological Institutes.For his contributions to archaeology and cultural heritage, he was awarded the Order of the Star of Italian Solidarity by the President of Italy.
https://www.pbs.org/show/odysseus-returns/
https://www.wsj.com/arts-culture/television/odysseus-returns-review-unearthing-myths-on-pbs-7b93c12fChronology of the Late Helladic (Mycenaean) Period:– LH I A (1700/1680–1675/1650 BC)
– LH I B (1675/1650–1625 BC)
– LH II A (1625–1520/1480 BC)
– LH II B (1520/1480–1435/1405 BC)
– LH III A1 (1435/1405–1390/1370 BC)
– LH III A2 (1390/1370–1360/1325 BC)
– LH III B (1360/1325–1200/1190 BC)
– Early LH III C (1200/1190–1150/1140 BC)
– Middle LH III C (1150/1140–1100/1090 BC)
– Late LH III C (1100/1090–1060/1040 BC)
– Submycenaean Period (1060/1040–1000 BC).
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