The center of Homeric (Mycenaean) Ithaca, as everything seems to indicate, is located in southeastern Cephalonia (Kefalonia) and the "talking stones" have now been found.

Aerial photograph of a section of the Mycenaean-period processional road that connected the settlement center with the city’s necropolis in the area of Riza, Tzannata (SE Cephalonia – Heraeum plain). Excavation by Dr. Antonis Vasilakis, Honorary Ephor of Antiquities, former Ephor of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities of Cephalonia, Ithaca, Zakynthos. Photo: Kostas Koklanos.

The evidence of Homeric topography as recorded in the Odyssey confirms that the center of Homeric Ithaca - as everything shows- located in SE Cephalonia and not on modern Ithaki, nor on Lefkada, nor on the Paliki peninsula, nor in any other part of Cephalonia, nor elsewhere.

The main reasons that led the ruling class of the Cephallenians in the Mycenaean period to choose SE Cephalonia as the administrative seat of their insular kingdom will be analyzed below.

Dedicated to all our fellow rowers, and especially to the memory of all those who “departed” along the way. Text & Copyright: Hettie Putman Cramer & Makis Metaxas

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Introduction

The purpose of this post—regardless of what you may have read in our earlier writings on the topography of Homeric Ithaca—is to provide the reader with the opportunity to evaluate, with their own knowledge and judgment, those passages of the Homeric epics that record the geographical position of Homeric Ithaca in relation to its wider surroundings, and to agree or disagree with our position that the center of Homeric Ithaca lay in SE Cephalonia.

Let us therefore turn to the matter itself.

Suppose you have not yet formed an opinion about where the center of Homeric Ithaca was located in Mycenaean times; or perhaps you have not had the time to study Homer’s descriptions in detail; or perhaps you have read them and already formed your own view; or finally, you may be one of the many who are completely confused by the multitude of theories about Homeric Ithaca. And suppose someone were to ask you:

• Where would you estimate—according to your own logic—that the center of Homeric Ithaca ought to have been located in the Mycenaean era? 
• Should it have been on Lefkada? 
• On modern Ithaki? 
• On Cephalonia? And if so, where exactly—on its western side, in its center, along its southeastern shores, or in the north?

If you were one of these people, what answer would you give?

The truth, of course, is that your answer would be of much greater interest if you were acquainted with the arguments of all the theories concerning Homeric Ithaca—including, naturally, our own, which supports the position that the island of Cephalonia was, in fact, Ithaca in the age of Odysseus.

Our own views, which explain how and why the present island of Cephalonia as a whole is Homeric Ithaca, we have already analyzed over the past 28 years in books, papers, interviews, and, for the general public, in simplified and fragmentary posts through the blog Homer’s Ithaca in both Greek and English.

(see: http://homericithaca.blogspot.gr/)

As for other differing opinions from our own, you may easily search for them on the internet, e.g. “Homeric Ithaca = Lefkada,” “Homeric Ithaca = Ithaki,” “Homeric Ithaca = Paliki peninsula,” “Homeric Ithaca = Erissos peninsula,” “Homeric Ithaca = Krani,” etc.

(As a matter of principle, we do not consider it proper to take responsibility for indicating which of these you should read, as they are too numerous and often mutually contradictory.)

Most of these theories can be found in our related post entitled: “The main theories and studies on the location of Homeric Ithaca from the Renaissance until today.”

(see: http://homericithaca.blogspot.gr/2014/08/where-on-earth-is-homers-ithaca.html)

We therefore invite you to a kind of “consultation,” where we will present, as concisely as possible, our own view in contrast with other areas that claim to have been the seat of the Mycenaean center of Homeric Ithaca. You, on your side, with your own critical thinking and sometimes playing the role of “devil’s advocate,” are invited to form your own judgment after carefully and deeply studying the Homeric references, so that at the end of this post you can provide your own answers—agreeing or disagreeing—with the many questions raised.

General Description

It is well known that the identification of the city (ásty) of Homeric (Mycenaean) Ithaca—where the megaron, the cemeteries, and the residences of the ruling class would have stood—has long been considered one of the “holy grails” of world archaeology.

Hundreds of archaeologists, researchers, and antiquarians have invested immense energy, funds, and time in attempting to locate it in all possible sites within the Ionian region and, of course, on the island of Cephalonia, which, according to our studies, was Ithaca in the age of Odysseus.

According to the conclusions of these studies, some of which in popularized form have been published on the blog Homer’s Ithaca (see: http://homericithaca.blogspot.gr/), Homeric (Mycenaean) Ithaca was neither modern Lefkada nor modern Ithaki, nor any partial region of Cephalonia as many theories have suggested.

The so-called Homeric Ithaca, according to the results of our research (presented in an earlier post), everything indicates that it was the entire island of Cephalonia. This island distinguishes itself from all others in the Ionian Sea by having as its emblem the pride of the Cephallenians—and of Odysseus himself—the majestic, forest-clad, divine Mount Ainos, also known as the “Great Mountain.”

(see: http://homericithaca.blogspot.gr/2017/11/blog-post_10.html)

It is this renowned and lofty Nêriton, the densely wooded mountain which, according to Homer, was clearly visible beneath Cape Pheai (modern Katakolo, in the Peloponnese). Both Odysseus and the goddess Athena invoked it as the most recognizable landmark of his homeland.

(see: http://homericithaca.blogspot.gr/2016/01/blog-post_14.html)

And as she was nearing Pherai, exulting in the fair wind sent by Zeus,

there appeared to them below the clouds the steep mountain of Ithaca,

                                                                                 (Homeric Hymn to Pythian Apollo, 427-428)

εὖτε Φερὰς ἐπέβαλλεν, ἀγαλλομένη Διὸς οὔρῳ,

καί σφιν ὑπὲκ νεφέων Ἰθάκης τ' ὄρος αἰπὺ πέφαντο

                                                                           (Homeric Hymn to Pythian Apollo, 427-428)

View of the sharp-peaked Mount Ainos of Cephalonia from the Grecotel Hotel in Kyllini (western Peloponnese) after sunset. To the far right, faintly visible, are the mountains of modern Ithaki. From this vantage point, according to the Homeric Hymn to Pythian Apollo, sailors could see the steep mountain of Ithaca. It is evident that the only visible steep mountain from here is Mount Ainos of Cephalonia, while the mountains of modern Ithaki are barely discernible at the far right of the photograph. Thus, there can be no doubt that the verse “and beneath the clouds the steep mountain of Ithaca appeared” referred to today’s Mount Ainos of Cephalonia 

   (Photo: Panoramio, Google “Sunset on Grecotel,” by Senseo).

• But where exactly was the ásty (the settlement center, the palace of the wanax, and the necropolis)? 
• Was it in the west of the island? The north? The east? The center? Or in the south?

Our position is that the geographical location of the Homeric Ithacan city is revealed with great clarity in the descriptions of Telemachus’ journeys to and from Pylos and Ithaca.

When Telemachus’ ship returned from Pylos to Ithaca (i.e., Cephalonia), arriving at night at the ancient Pheai (modern Katakolo) and steering toward the Thoëan islands (the Oxeiae), (Od. 15.297–300) it is evident that he was sailing beneath the southeastern shores of Cephalonia and opposite the northwestern coasts of the Peloponnese (off the coast of Kyllini), with the goddess Athena instructing him to disembark at the island’s first—i.e., southernmost—shore (Od. 15.33–39).

(see: http://homericithaca.blogspot.gr/2017/01/1.html)

Then (the ship), driven by a favorable wind from Zeus,
passed by the Phaea and Elis, which is ruled by the Epeians,
and there he set sail for the islands of the Thoians (today's Oxiae),
and he considered in his mind whether he would be saved or perished. (Od. 15.297–300)

But when you finally land on the first shore of Ithaca,

then order a ship and your companions, all of them to enter the city,

only you go and go immediately to the swineherd,

to the one who cares for your pigs and wants your well-being.  (Od. 15.33–39)

ἡ δὲ Φεὰς ἐπέβαλλεν ἐπειγομένη Διὸς οὔρῳ,
ἠδὲ παρ' Ἤλιδα δῖαν, ὅθι κρατέουσιν Ἐπειοί.
ἔνθεν δ' αὖ νήσοισιν ἐπιπροέηκε θοῇσιν,
ὁρμαίνων, ἤ κεν θάνατον φύγοι ἦ κεν ἁλοίη.    (Od. 15.297–300)

αὐτὰρ ἐπὴν πρώτην ἀκτὴν Ἰθάκης ἀφίκηαι,
νῆα μὲν ἐς πόλιν ὀτρῦναι καὶ πάντας ἑταίρους,
αὐτὸς δὲ πρώτιστα συβώτην εἰσαφικέσθαι,
ὅς τοι ὑῶν ἐπίουρος, ὁμῶς δέ τοι ἤπια οἶδεν.    (Od. 15.33–39)

   

Map of western Greece showing the island kingdom of Odysseus, the ancient Pheai (Katakolo), and the first southern coast of Cephalonia (the toponym Skala). It was in these waters that Telemachus’ ship sailed on its journeys to and from Pylos and Ithaca.

Telemachus, traveling through the night so that the suitors will not detect him, returns to Ithaca. 

      (Photorealistic adaptation via AI)

"To get to the bottom of it”

Question:

Is it correct or incorrect that the  “first shore/πρώτη ακτή ” (Od. 15.33–39) and extreme edge (ἐσχατιῇ -eschatiē) (Odyssey 14. 103–108) of any island approached from the southeast cannot possibly be on its northern or western coasts, but must instead be the first and southernmost landing-place of the island, on its southern side?

We maintain that regardless of which island one may believe Homeric Ithaca to have been, the position of its “first shore”/πρώτη ἀκτή  (the southernmost) and "extreme edge" (ἐσχατιῇ -eschatiē) when approached from the south is, by necessity, a very specific point.

For the island of Cephalonia, the matter is absolutely clear. The first—i.e. the southernmost and farthest—shore of modern Cephalonia (which was then Homeric Ithaca), for anyone familiar with the island’s geomorphology, is indisputably the coastal zone around the modern village of Skala, whose farthest extremity is marked by Cape Mounda.

Panoramic aerial view of the beach of Skala. This is the first, southernmost, and closest shore of the island of Cephalonia to the coasts of the Peloponnese. (Photo: www.tripinview.com)

[Note 1] Supporters of the theories that place Homeric Ithaca on the Paliki peninsula or in northern Cephalonia, in our opinion, must provide a convincing answer to this very basic reference, which is the “Ariadne’s thread” for verifying Homeric topography.

[Note 2] For those who find difficulty in interpreting the connection between Telemachus’ ship sailing past the Thoëan islands (the Oxeiae) while at the same time receiving Athena’s command to head toward the “first shore” of Ithaca (i.e. Cephalonia), we recommend consulting our post “Asteris: the phantom island of Homeric topography” (see: http://homericithaca.blogspot.gr/2017/10/blog-post_15.html). There one will learn how and why this island played such a decisive role in the narrative of the once independent epic of the Telemachy before it was combined with the Phaeacis and the Nekyia to form the unified Odyssey.

A 1747 map by Roux records the toponym Skala (C. Scala) on southern Cephalonia as one of the most important landmarks for navigation of the time (Fotis Kremmydas Collection).

Thus, according to the topography of the epic, we know with mathematical precision the spot toward which Telemachus steers his ship to make landfall.

From there, according to the descriptions, he arrives after a short walk at the place called “Korakos Petri/”Κόρακος πέτρῃ (“Raven’s Rock”), and subsequently at his palace, located in the same broader region as the “first shore.”                                                                          (see: http://homericithaca.blogspot.gr/2017/01/1.html) 

But be careful, first get to the swineherd
who not only cares for the pigs, but also wants your good,
your son loves and respects wise Penelope.
Near the pigs you will see him sitting. They graze
near the Raven’s Rock and the Arethousa fountain,
chewing acorns that are due to them and drinking murky water,
these feed them rich swill.                                 (Od.13.405-410)

αὐτος δὲ πρώτιστα συβώτην εἰσαφικέσθαι,  
ὅς τοι ὑῶν ἐπίουρος, ὁμῶς δέ τοι ἤπια οἶδε,
παῖδά τε σὸν φιλέει καὶ ἐχέφρονα Πηνελόπειαν.
δήεις τόν γε σύεσσι παρήμενον· αἱ δὲ νέμονται
πὰρ Κόρακος πέτρῃ ἐπί τε κρήνῃ Ἀρεθούσῃ,
ἔσθουσαι βάλανον μενοεικέα καὶ μέλαν ὕδωρ
πίνουσαι, τά θ᾽ ὕεσσι τρέφει τεθαλυῖαν ἀλοιφήν. (Od.13. 405-410)

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The Key Landmarks of Homeric Topography Related to the Location of the Ásty

This region, according to the Homeric texts, lay on the southeastern side of the island, close to the “first” shore (πρώτην ἀκτὴν Ἰθάκης) when approached from the south—the eschatiē (εσχατιή) or “extremity”—that is, the southernmost shore of the island (region of Skala–Poros) (Od. 14.96–108; Od. 15.33–39).

It was to this region that not only Telemachus, but also Odysseus himself was directed by Athena in order to meet his son returning from Pylos. Odysseus set out from the "Cave of the Nymphs/Σπήλαιο των νυμφών", and walked for many hours before reaching this area. (see: http://homericithaca.blogspot.gr/2017/01/1.html)

Within this very region lay the site known as “Korakos Petri/Κόρακος πέτρη” (“Raven’s Rock”), together with the spring of "Arethousa/Αρέθουσα", where the swineherd Eumaeus had his pens (Od. 13.405–410).

(see: http://homericithaca.blogspot.gr/2017/01/1.html)

Relatively near this shore was the ásty of Homeric Ithaca itself, whose harbor was the “Harbor of Rheithron,/εν λιμένι ρείθρω” above which rose the so-called “Hermaios Hill/ 'Ερμαιος λόφος.” (Od. 16.470-474)

(see: http://homericithaca.blogspot.gr/2017/05/2.html)

Evidence from Homeric Topography Confirming that the Center of Ithaca Was in SE Cephalonia

First Confirmation 

Two of the most prominent landmarks of Homeric Ithaca—those which Athena invoked for Odysseus to recognize his homeland—were the wooded, lofty, Neriton mountain of Ithaca and the celebrated Cave of the Nymphs (Od.13.344-351). This cave was dedicated to the Naiad water-nymphs: it was full of running water, domed and dark in its depths, with stalactites, with purple-tinted colors, with human entry possible only from the north side, and—pay close attention here—“ἔνθα δ᾽ ἔπειτα τιθαιβώσσουσι μέλισσαι”: where bees (souls) nest there.  In other words, this cave is described as the dwelling place of the "Bees" (Μέλισσες)—understood in ancient thought as souls. Μέλισσες (Bees- Souls) = Μελισσάνη (the cave of the Souls [Bees])

                                             Μελισσες= Μελισσάνη / (Melisses =Melissani)

In the deme of Ithaca is a harbour named after Phorkys, the old man of the sea, guarded by two precipitous headlands sloping down on the side toward the harbour. which protect it from the great waves raised by heavy winds in the open sea and allow well-benched ships to ride inside without so much as tying up, once they have reached the point of anchorage. At the head of the harbour grows a long-leaved olive-tree and near by is a lovely, shady cave sacred to the nymphs whom we call Naiads This cave contains a number of stone mixing-bowls and two-handled jars, where bees (souls) nest there. It also contains long looms of stone [stalactites] where the nymphs weave fabrics of sea-purple, a wonder to behold; and there are springs whose water never fails. The cave has two mouths. The one that faces north is the way down for human beings. The other, facing south, is for the gods and is not used by human beings at all: it is the way of the immortals. (Od. 13.96-112)

But go ahead, I will show you the sites of Ithaca to convince you.

This here is the harbor of Forkynas, the sea elder,

This here at the edge of the harbor is the narrow-leaved olive tree

And near it is a beautiful cave and a dark

sanctuary of the Nymphs who are called Naiads

This is the spacious and vaulted cave,

where you sacrificed perfect hecatombs in honor of the Nymphs

And that is Mount Neriton, overgrown with trees

When the Goddess said this, the mist dispersed and the land appeared  (Od. 13.344-352)

Φόρκυνος δέ τίς ἐστι λιμήν, ἁλίοιο γέροντος,
ἐν δήμῳ Ἰθάκης· δύο δὲ προβλῆτες ἐν αὐτῷ
ἀκταὶ ἀπορρῶγες, λιμένος ποτιπεπτηυῖαι,
αἵ τ᾽ ἀνέμων σκεπόωσι δυσαήων μέγα κῦμα
ἔκτοθεν· ἔντοσθεν δέ τ᾽ ἄνευ δεσμοῖο μένουσι
νῆες ἐΰσσελμοι, ὅτ᾽ ἂν ὅρμου μέτρον ἵκωνται.
αὐτὰρ ἐπὶ κρατὸς λιμένος τανύφυλλος ἐλαίη,
ἀγχόθι δ᾽ αὐτῆς ἄντρον ἐπήρατον ἠεροειδές,
ἱρὸν νυμφάων αἱ νηϊάδες καλέονται.
ἐν δὲ κρητῆρές τε καὶ ἀμφιφορῆες ἔασιν
λάϊνοι· ἔνθα δ᾽ ἔπειτα τιθαιβώσσουσι μέλισσαι.
ἐν δ᾽ ἱστοὶ λίθεοι περιμήκεες, ἔνθα τε νύμφαι
φάρε᾽ ὑφαίνουσιν ἁλιπόρφυρα, θαῦμα ἰδέσθαι·
ἐν δ᾽ ὕδατ᾽ ἀενάοντα. δύω δέ τέ οἱ θύραι εἰσίν,
αἱ μὲν πρὸς Βορέαο καταιβαταὶ ἀνθρώποισιν,
αἱ δ᾽ αὖ πρὸς Νότου εἰσὶ θεώτεραι· οὐδέ τι κείνῃ
ἄνδρες ἐσέρχονται, ἀλλ᾽ ἀθανάτων ὁδός ἐστιν.   (Od. 13.96-112)

ἀλλ᾽ ἄγε τοι δείξω Ἰθάκης ἕδος, ὄφρα πεποίθῃς.
Φόρκυνος μὲν ὅδ᾽ ἐστὶ λιμήν, ἁλίοιο γέροντος,
ἥδε δ᾽ ἐπὶ κρατὸς λιμένος τανύφυλλος ἐλαίη·
ἀγχόθι δ᾽ αὐτῆς ἄντρον ἐπήρατον ἠεροειδές,
ἱρὸν νυμφάων, αἳ νηϊάδες καλέονται·
τοῦτο δέ τοι σπέος ἐστὶ κατηρεφές, ἔνθα σὺ πολλὰς
ἔρδεσκες νύμφῃσι τεληέσσας ἑκατόμβας·
τοῦτο δὲ Νήριτόν ἐστιν ὄρος καταειμένον ὕλῃ."
ὣς εἰποῦσα θεὰ σκέδασ᾽ ἠέρα, εἴσατο δὲ χθών·  (οδ ν 344-352)

(see: http://homericithaca.blogspot.gr/2016/01/blog-post_10.html)

 θαῦμα ἰδέσθαι!!! ·/ a wonder to behold !!! (Od. 13.107)

“The Homeric reference to the cave of the Nymphs (Od. 13.344–360) as the place where Odysseus performed his “perfect sacrifice/τεληέσσας ἑκατόμβας ” suggests a stable cult center connected to a spring or underground water. W.Burkert’s observation that the worship of springs and nymphs is a deeply rooted practice of Greek religion, organically linked to specific places, strengthens the hypothesis that the Homeric cave reflects a real cult space.

Furthermore, the ancient tradition that identifies the Nymphs-souls with “melissai/bee”, attested by Porphyry and confirmed by relevant Mycenaean findings, lends particular importance to the fact that the water cave of Melissani bears a toponym associated with this ancient symbolism. https://www.astrologicon.org/porphyry/porphyry-peri-tou-en-odysseia-ton-nymphon-antrou.html

The archaeological evidence of the connection of the cave of the nymphs with the naiad nymphs (the nymphs of flowing waters) and the god Pan was confirmed by the Kefalonian archaeologist Spyridon Marinatos when he discovered dedications to the Naiad nymphs and the god Pan within the cave when he excavated the cave in 1962. These findings are currently kept in the Archaeological Museum of Argostoli.

So:

The information mentioned in the Odyssey fundamentally strengthens the hypothesis that the toponym/ name of the cave (Melissani) is very ancient and was related to the cult of the “bee/μελισσες-souls/ψυχές”.

Clay tablet and disc depicting Nymphs and the god Pan at the center of their cult dance. From the excavations of the Melissani cave. (Archaeological Museum of Argostoli). On the right in the photo is the archaeologist Spyridon Marinatos.

Melissani Cave: This is the famous, cultic, and truly “a wonder to behold” cave of the Naiad Nymphs, at the sight of which Odysseus recognized that he had indeed returned home. According to Homer, this cave was the dwelling of the “bees” (souls). It was from this cave that Odysseus began his trek toward the southern shores of the island, in order to meet his loyal swineherd Eumaeus in the region of “Korakos Petri” (“Raven’s Rock”).

The goddess Athena gives the last advice to Odysseus before departing from the beautiful and water-filled cave of the nymphs (Melissani) for the area "Korakos Petri" where the swineherd Eumaeus was.

 (Photorealistic adaptation via AI)

Question:

• Does this description not recall the very same Melissani cave?
• And if indeed this description corresponds to that celebrated cave of Homeric Ithaca, then does it not make sense that the Homeric text has Odysseus set out from there in the early morning and, walking through forested mountain ridges, arrive only by afternoon—after many hours of walking—at the island’s southern region (πρώτη ακτή/ first shore) known as Κόρακος πέτρη “Korakos Petri/Raven’s Rock”?
• Might this place be related to the still extant toponym ΚΟΡΩΝΟΙ Koronoi (literally, “the Crows”), i.e. the region of the ravens in SE Cephalonia, which remarkably enough continues to bear this name to this day?
• (see lexicon entries: Kόραξ – Kουρούνα – Kορωνίς)
• Can all these coincidences truly be mere chance?

Korakopetra (“Raven’s Rock”) in the region of Koronoi:

We argue that they are not at all accidental, but rather describe a real landscape with prominent landmarks—“speaking images”—which both highlight and identify one of the most recognizable signs of ancient Ithaca (now Cephalonia), namely the Melissani cave, and simultaneously point to the broader area around the ásty at Κόρακος πέτρη (Korakos Petri) “Raven’s Rock”. This area, according to the descriptions, lies at a considerable distance from the Cave of the Nymphs and corresponds precisely to the region of ΚΟΡΩΝΟΙ -Koronoi- (“ the region of the Ravens”). Situated near the first shore at Skala in the southeastern extremity of Cephalonia, the area derives its name from and is marked by a huge, spectacular fractured rock still today called “Korakopetra” (“Raven’s Rock”), because crows continue to nest there. (see: http://homericithaca.blogspot.gr/2016/01/blog-post.html)

Excerpt from the 1890 map of Cephalonia by Ant. Miliarakis:

On this map, the area of ΚΟΡΩΝΟΙ (Koronoi) = (“ the region of the Ravens”)is recorded, together with Cape Kapros/Ακρ. Κάπρος (“Boar”), the region of Skala, and Cape Mounda /Ακρ. Μούντα = extreme edge (ἐσχατιῇ -eschatiē). Directly above the harbor of Poros/Πόρος are marked the ancient ruins/ερείπια αρχαία of the Pronnian port.

The current coastal zone of Skala has been the first docking point for ships bound for Kefalonia since ancient times when they came from the south and east. The exact spot is easily located where the remains of the oldest Doric temple on the island are located, probably dedicated to the goddess Demeter or the god Apollo.

Downstream of the temple, there are still the facilities of the ancient port, which functioned mainly as a supply station for the long voyages of sailors of that era.

Τhe foundations of the Doric temple and the adjacent portico at the ancient port of Skala

Second Confirmation

According to the epic, Eumaeus, from the location Κόρακος πέτρῃ (“Korakos Petri”) near the Πρώτη ακτή / first shore , pointed out to Odysseus the herds grazing on this extreme edge (ἐσχατιῇ -eschatiē) of Ithaca, as well as those on the opposite mainland shores—across from Ithaca, in the region of the Achelous River and the northwestern Elis (modern Kyllini). (Odyssey 14. 96–108).

For truly he (Odysseus) owned immense wealth. None of the heroes, neither on the dark mainland nor on Ithaca itself, possessed such riches—not even twenty men together had so much. Across on the mainland there are twelve herds of cattle, as many flocks of sheep, as many droves of swine, and as many great herds of goats, tended by hired men and our own herdsmen. Here, on this extreme edge of Ithaca, there are eleven large herds of goats, all abundant, supervised by faithful men. Each day one of them brings a goat for the suitors, whichever of the well-fed goats seems best. As for me, I pasture and guard these swine, and select the very best among them to send away. (Odyssey 14. 96–108)

ἦ γάρ οἱ ζωή γ᾽ ἦν ἄσπετος· οὔ τινι τόσση
ἀνδρῶν ἡρώων, οὔτ᾽ ἠπείροιο μελαίνης
οὔτ᾽ αὐτῆς Ἰθάκης· οὐδὲ ξυνεείκοσι φωτῶν
ἔστ᾽ ἄφενος τοσσοῦτον· ἐγὼ δέ κέ τοι καταλέξω.
δώδεκ᾽ ἐν ἠπείρῳ ἀγέλαι· τόσα πώεα οἰῶν,
τόσσα συῶν συβόσια, τόσ᾽ αἰπόλια πλατέ᾽ αἰγῶν
βόσκουσι ξεῖνοί τε καὶ αὐτοῦ βώτορες ἄνδρες.
ἐνθάδε δ᾽ αἰπόλια πλατέ᾽ αἰγῶν ἕνδεκα πάντα
ἐσχατιῇ βόσκοντ᾽, ἐπὶ δ᾽ ἀνέρες ἐσθλοὶ ὄρονται.
τῶν αἰεί σφιν ἕκαστος ἐπ᾽ ἤματι μῆλον ἀγινεῖ,
ζατρεφέων αἰγῶν ὅς τις φαίνηται ἄριστος.
αὐτὰρ ἐγὼ σῦς τάσδε φυλάσσω τε ῥύομαί τε,
καί σφι συῶν τὸν ἄριστον ἐῢ κρίνας ἀποπέμπω. (Odyssey 14. 96–108)

      

 Eumaeus from the southeastern region of Ithaca shows Odysseus the mainland coast opposite Ithaca where his family had several herds of animals. (Photorealism by AI)             

The Question:

• From which point, then, could one have had visual contact with the opposite mainland shores—those of Aetolia and northwestern Peloponnesus (Kyllini)—to describe such herds being maintained there?
• From the island of Lefkada?
• From modern Ithaki?
• From the Paliki peninsula?
• From the Erissos peninsula?
• From ancient Krane?
• Or rather from the eschatiē—the extreme, southernmost shore of SE Cephalonia?

Satellite imagery clearly shows the proximity of SE Cephalonia (Homeric Ithaca) to ancient Elis (across the channel) and to Aetolia (to the northeast).

The answer is obvious: from the eschatiē—the southeastern edge of Cephalonia, i.e., the region of Koronoi. This information confirms that the area in question was indeed in the SE of the island and nowhere else (not Lefkada, not Ithaki, not Paliki, not Erissos), because only from this geographic position—the extreme southern shore—does one have direct line-of-sight with the opposite mainland shores of Aetolia and especially of northwestern Peloponnesus (Elis-Kyllini), where the epic explicitly records that Odysseus maintained large herds of cattle and horses. (see next confirmation).

Third Confirmation

The Odyssey describes this area as having daily, close, and well-organized maritime connections with Elis (modern Kyllini), as well as with the opposite shores near the mouth of the Achelous River. This work was apparently carried out “professionally” by the so-called porthmees (ferrymen), who transported both people and animals across the channel.

Then came Philoitios, leader of the herdsmen,
bringing for the suitors a barren cow and fat goats.
Ferry-men had brought them across—those who also
ferry other people, whoever comes their way. (Odyssey 20. 185–188

τοῖσι δ᾽ ἐπὶ τρίτος ἦλθε Φιλοίτιος, ὄρχαμος ἀνδρῶν,
βοῦν στεῖραν μνηστῆρσιν ἄγων καὶ πίονας αἶγας.
πορθμῆες δ᾽ ἄρα τούς γε διήγαγον, οἵ τε καὶ ἄλλους
ἀνθρώπους πέμπουσιν, ὅτις σφέας εἰσαφίκηται. (Odyssey 20. 185–188)

The epic also tells us that the Ithacans, and Odysseus himself, maintained herds on those mainland shores, which were ferried back to Ithaca by boat.

Antinous, do we know, or do we not when Telemachus returns from sandy Pylos? He took my ship and left and now I need it I wanted to cross over to the plain of Elis where they graze, twelve mares and untamed, eager mules, I was thinking of bringing one to put on the yoke.(Od.4. 632-637)

"Ἀντίνο᾽, ἦ ῥά τι ἴδμεν ἐνὶ φρεσίν, ἦε καὶ οὐκί,
ὁππότε Τηλέμαχος νεῖτ᾽ ἐκ Πύλου ἠμαθόεντος;
νῆά μοι οἴχετ᾽ ἄγων· ἐμὲ δὲ χρεὼ γίγνεται αὐτῆς
Ἤλιδ᾽ ἐς εὐρύχορον διαβήμεναι, ἔνθα μοι ἵπποι
δώδεκα θήλειαι, ὑπὸ δ᾽ ἡμίονοι ταλαεργοὶ
ἀδμῆτες· τῶν κέν τιν᾽ ἐλασσάμενος δαμασαίμην." (Od.4. 632-637)

 Ancient testimony reinforces this. Proclus, in the Telegony, reports:

"The suitors were buried by their relatives. Odysseus, after sacrificing to the Nymphs, sailed away to Elis to inspect his cattle and was entertained by Polyxenos." (Procli Excerpta ex Cycli Epici Carminibus, VI Telegony, p. 246).

Οι μνήστορες υπό των προσηκόντων θάπτονται.και Οδυσσεύς θύσας νύμφαις εις Ήλιν αποπλεί επισκεψόμενος τα βουκόλια, και ξενίζεται παρά Πολυξένω, (Procli Excerpta ex Cycli Epici Carminibus, VI Telegony, p. 246).

The Question:

Which region or island lay closest to the shores of Elis (modern Kyllini) so as to allow such close contact, frequent crossings, and supervision of herds there?

• Lefkada?

• Modern Ithaki?

• The Paliki peninsula?

• The Erissos peninsula?

• Ancient Krane?

• Or the southeastern coast of Cephalonia?

Map evidence of Western Greece shows clearly the distances between Lefkada, Ithaki, and Cephalonia in relation to Elis. The result is indisputable: the southeastern coast of Cephalonia offered by far the most advantageous, shortest sea connection with Elis.

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Conclusion:

It was—and remains—the southeastern coast of Cephalonia. From antiquity to the present day, the Póros–Kyllini maritime line has been the central gateway for the island’s communication with the Peloponnese. This ferry connection, already implied in Homer’s verses, is triumphantly confirmed today by the continuing reality of the Póros–Kyllini route.

Fourth Confirmation

The Odyssey also records that this specific area of Ithaca offered the shortest and most direct escape route toward the shores of Elis and Pylos. A striking passage is when Eupithes, father of the slain suitor Antinoos, urges the Ithacans to act quickly before Odysseus flees across the sea toward Elis (modern Kyllini) or Pylos:

Friends, see what a terrible deed this man has contrived against the Achaeans!
He led away with him many noble men and destroyed their hollow ships, and ruined their people.
And now, returning, he has slain the very best of the Cephallenians.
But come, before he reaches swiftly Pylos or even holy Elis, where the Epeians rule,
let us go; otherwise we shall be forever shamed. (Odyssey 24. 426–432)

"ὦ φίλοι, ἦ μέγα ἔργον ἀνὴρ ὅδ᾽ ἐμήσατ᾽ Ἀχαιούς·
τοὺς μὲν σὺν νήεσσιν ἄγων πολέας τε καὶ ἐσθλοὺς
ὤλεσε μὲν νῆας γλαφυράς, ἀπὸ δ᾽ ὤλεσε λαούς·
τοὺς δ᾽ ἐλθὼν ἔκτεινε Κεφαλλήνων ὄχ᾽ ἀρίστους,
ἀλλ᾽ ἄγετε, πρὶν τοῦτον ἢ ἐς Πύλον ὦκα ἱκέσθαι
ἢ καὶ ἐς Ἤλιδα δῖαν, ὅθι κρατέουσιν Ἐπειοί,
ἴομεν· ἦ καὶ ἔπειτα κατηφέες ἐσσόμεθ᾽ αἰεί." (Odyssey 24. 426–432)

The Question:

Which region or island offered the nearest and most direct route of escape to Elis (modern Kyllini) and Pylos?

• Lefkada?

• Modern Ithaki?

• The Paliki peninsula?

• The Erissos peninsula?

• Ancient Krane?

• Or the southeastern tip of Cephalonia?

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Evidence:

Satellite imagery and geographical comparison show that the southeastern tip of Cephalonia faces directly across to the low-lying coastal plain of Elis and the harbor of modern Kyllini. This is the closest crossing point, both in Homer’s time and today, and it matches precisely the Homeric description of Elis as the nearest escape route.

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Conclusion:

Correctly, the Homeric text identifies Elis as the nearest road and point of flight. This is only logical if the ásty (urban center) of Homeric Ithaca was located on the southeastern side of the island—directly opposite Elis.

If, instead, Lefkada or modern Ithaki were Homeric Ithaca, the natural escape would not have been Elis, but the nearer mainland coasts of Aetolia and Acarnania. The fact that the Odyssey stresses Elis confirms once more the southeastern Cephalonian identification.

Fifth Confirmation

The area where Odysseus had his palace and estates is described in the Odyssey as renowned for its forests and its abundant springs, which irrigated the fields through flowing channels. This fertility and richness were so remarkable that the fame of Ithaca had reached even Troy:

There is constant rain and heavy dew,
It is good land for goats and cattle to graze.
There are forests of every kind of tree,
and there flow abundant springs with irrigation channels.
Thus, stranger, the name of Ithaca has reached even Troy,
though they say it lies far from the land of Achaea. (Odyssey 13. 245–249

"αἰεὶ δ᾽ ὄμβρος ἔχει τεθαλυῖά τ᾽ ἐέρση·
αἰγίβοτος δ᾽ ἀγαθὴ καὶ βούβοτος· ἔστι μὲν ὕλη
παντοίη, ἐν δ᾽ ἀρδμοὶ ἐπηετανοὶ παρέασι.
τῷ τοι, ξεῖν᾽, Ἰθάκης γε καὶ ἐς Τροίην ὄνομ᾽ ἵκει,
τήν περ τηλοῦ φασὶν Ἀχαιΐδος ἔμμεναι αἴης." (Odyssey 13. 245–249)

The Question:

Which island corresponds to this description—a land of vast forests, abundant fresh water, countless springs feeding irrigation channels, and fertile fields so renowned that its fame spread to Troy?

• Modern Lefkada?

• The dry, rocky island of modern Ithaki?

• The arid peninsula of Erissos?

• The peninsula of Paliki?

• The upland of ancient Krane?

• Or the southeastern part of Cephalonia?

Evidence :

The southeastern Cephalonia (the territory of the ancient Pronnoi) is uniquely characterized by:

• The great fir forests of Mount Ainos, symbol of the region and a key source of timber for shipbuilding since the Mycenaean period.

The great fir forests of Mount Ainos.  The remains of a huge altar (of Zeus Ainesios?) in the prehistoric walled enclosure at Kastro Soldato near the village of Pyrgi, at the foot of Mount Ainos.

• Countless perennial springs: Kefalovryso, Palaia Skala, Foukálida, Potistis, Ambelas, Kanalos, Kolokási, and especially the large lake-source "Megali Akoli", which discharges more than 500 cubic meters of fresh water per hour even in summer.

Τhe Arethousa fountain,(Od.13.408)

• Irrigation channels (modern concrete aqueducts) that continue today to irrigate the fertile plain of Herakleion, echoing Homer’s phrase “ἀρδμοὶ ἐπηετανοὶ παρέασι” (“abundant irrigation channels are present”).

This landscape—the lush mountain, evergreen forests, inexhaustible springs, and fertile irrigated fields—is not found in Lefkada or Ithaki, nor in the drier parts of Cephalonia, but exclusively in its southeastern part.

Conclusion:

Unquestionably, the southeastern Cephalonia matches Homer’s description of Ithaca as a land of forests, abundant springs, and fertile irrigated fields. It was precisely these resources—the timber of Ainos and the water-rich plains—that made Homeric Ithaca famous throughout the Mycenaean world, even as far as Troy.

Sixth Confirmation

The Homeric epics emphasize with insistence the existence in Ithaca of a lofty, densely wooded mountain called Neriton. This striking mountain made the island visible (evdieelon/ευδείελον = “easily seen, conspicuous”) from afar—even from below Cape Feai (modern Katakolo) in the Peloponnese.

According to Athena herself, Mount Neriton was the supreme landmark of Ithaca, the emblem of the island, and the pride of Odysseus.

Come, I now intend to show you signs of Ithaca so that you may be convinced…
…..and this is Niriton, a mountain covered with trees. (Od13.344, 13.351)

ἀλλ᾽ ἄγε τοι δείξω Ἰθάκης ἕδος, ὄφρα πεποίθῃς…….

……..τοῦτο δὲ Νήριτόν ἐστιν ὄρος καταειμένον ὕλῃ."    (Od13.344, 13.351)

(see: http://homericithaca.blogspot.gr/2016/01/blog-post_14.html)

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Visual Evidence:

The magnificent silhouette of Mount Ainos rising above the sea is clearly visible from the western coast of the Peloponnese. (Photo: Panagis Kavallieratos)

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Interpretation:

There is no need for extraordinary skill to identify this Homeric mountain. It is, beyond any reasonable doubt, Mount Ainos of Cephalonia—tall, forest-covered, and unmistakable.

• It is the only mountain in the Ionian Islands that matches Homer’s description of Neriton: lofty (ariprepes/αριπρεπές), wooded (inosifyllon/εινοσίφυλλον), and visible from afar (evdieelon/ευδείελον).

• Geographically, it belongs to the territory of the ancient Pronnoi, i.e. southeastern Cephalonia.

• It has little or no relation to the Paliki peninsula, the Erissos peninsula, or modern Ithaki—let alone to Lefkada.

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Conclusion:

The identification of Homer’s Neriton with Mount Ainos confirms again that the southeastern part of Cephalonia everything indicates that it was the heart of Homeric Ithaca. It provided the island with its most celebrated symbol, the towering mountain that Homer and Athena alike presented as the proudest landmark of Odysseus’

Seventh Confirmation

The Harbor of Rheithron

This landmark is perhaps the touchstone of Homeric topography—the decisive clue that leads straight, even “with eyes closed,” to the administrative center of the so-called Homeric Ithaca.

(see: http://homericithaca.blogspot.gr/2017/05/2.html)

In the Odyssey, the “harbor of Rheithron/εν λιμένι ρείθρω” (Odyssey 1. 186–187) is mentioned as the central port of the city, described as hemeteros limenas (“our harbor,” Od. 16. 471–473). It was located within a river channel (reithron) and characterized as polyventhēs/ πολυβενθής (Od. 16. 352). This epithet indicates not deep waters, but the way the sea penetrated “deeply” inland, merging with the flowing waters of the riverbed.

My ship lies moored in the fields outside the city in the harbor of Rheithron, at the forest-covered dockyard / (beneath the wooded Neïon). (Odyssey 1. 186–187)

νηῦς δέ μοι ἥδ' ἕστηκεν ἐπ' ἀγροῦ νόσφι πόληος,
ἐν λιμένι Ῥείθρῳ, ὑπὸ Νηΐῳ ὑλήεντι.                            (Odyssey 1. 186–187)
                                                                        

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Geographical Identification:

The location of this harbor survives today in the spectacular gorge of Poros, through which flows the river Vochinas. Even now, the coastal area retains toponyms that echo the Homeric description:[ρείθρον - ράγια - ρωγός]

• Rheithron  (“streambed”).

• Ragia (crack on the seashore),

• Rogos (passage, passageway),

This river harbor served as the port of the ancient city-state of Pronnoi. It included harbor installations and fortifications within and alongside the river channel. The natural morphology—sea water entering the gorge and mingling with the river—explains exactly why Homer describes the port as polyventhēs.

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               The the famous “Harbor of Rheithron” (river Vochinas), as it was in ancient times.

                                                                 (A photorealistic approach by AI.) 

                               

             Τhe ancient harbor of the Pronnoi—Homer’s “harbor of Rheithron”(Odyssey 1. 186–187)

(A photorealistic approach by AI.) 

“My ship lies moored in the fields outside the city

in the harbor of Rheithron, at the forest-covered dockyard"  (Odyssey 1. 186–187)

On this photograph of modern Poros you see the impressive gorge, with the now concreted mouth of the Vochinas torrent, in whose bed the ancient harbor of the Pronnoi—Homer’s “harbor of Rheithron” (the harbor of the river mouth)  (Odyssey 1.180–86)—remained in use until the early twentieth century. 

Beyond stretches the fertile Herakleian plain, dominated by the majestic, fir-clad Mount Ainos, the “Neriton,” celebrated as the pride of Odysseus and of all Cephallenians everywhere (Odyssey 9.19–28).

 At the end of the gorge, upon the prominent hill of Bourzi–Rogos at the village of Riza–Tzanata, a powerful Mycenaean center arose in Odysseus’ time. Archaeology suggests that this center exercised dominion over the four Ionian islands (Cephalonia, Ithaca, Lefkada, Zakynthos) as well as adjacent coastal territories.

Archaeological and Historical Continuity:

• According to geographer J. Partsch, the gorge of Poros is “perhaps the most beautiful landscape of the entire island of Cephalonia.”

• The harbor remained in use for small vessels until the mid-20th century. In 1936 the riverbeds began to be filled in, and later concreted, mainly to com bat the local mosquito problem.

• see: https://homericithaca.blogspot.com/2013/10/the-unique-harbour-of-rheithron-in.html

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Visual Evidence:

                        Panoramic view of the port area of Poros located alohg the river Vochinas.

(Aerial photo by Panagis Kavallieratos)

The “harbor of Rheithron” (=the harbor of the river mouth ).

  Panoramic view of the port area of Poros located alohg the river Vochinas. As it was in ancient times.  A photorealistic approach by Artist Abraham Panagatos . This image remained intact until the mid 20th century. Since then  the new settlement of Poros was built along the coastline.

 Aerial photograph of Poros by Kostas Koklanos, photorealism by Abraam Panagatos

Today, the cemented riverbeds of the Vochinas mark the spot of what was once the famous “Harbor of Rheithron”, the lifeline port of Homeric Ithaca’s urban center. (Photo: Maria Gkiáfi)

Homeric Ithaca: The Southeastern Cephalonia Hypothesis

After these preliminary references, it seems that the time has come to address, with a clear “true or false,” the following logical questions:

Is it true or false that the island which, due to its geographical proximity, could most readily maintain daily and close relations with Elis (the modern region of Kyllini) is the island of present-day Cephalonia (its southeastern part), and indeed far more convincingly than any other island or region—such as Lefkada, modern Ithaca, or the Paliki peninsula—that claim to be the site of Homeric Ithaca? (See relevant maps.)

Is it true or false that present-day Cephalonia—as described in the Homeric texts as the island of Odysseus—is the one most exposed to the sea “toward the setting of the sun” (toward the west), while at the same time, and in perfect accordance with the description “amphi,” it has other islands lying “on both sides” of it? (See: http://homericithaca.blogspot.gr/2017/11/blog-post_10.html)

Is it true or false that the southeastern part of Cephalonia is the portion of the island closest to the Peloponnese (Elis) and the region of the Achelous River? (See relevant maps.)

Is it true or false that the first coastline—that is, the southernmost shore of Cephalonia—can only be the coastal zone of Skala? (See: http://homericithaca.blogspot.gr/2017/01/1.html)

Is it true or false that near this coast, according to the epic descriptions, lay the area where Eumaeus kept his herds, and not far from this same area were located the city and the palace of Odysseus? (See: http://homericithaca.blogspot.gr/2017/01/1.html)

Is it true or false that in southeastern Cephalonia one finds more irrigating springs of running water than in any other part of the island? (See: http://homericithaca.blogspot.gr/2017/05/2.html)

Is it true or false that the “Great Mountain,” today’s Mount Ainos—the ancient Mount Neriton of Homeric Ithaca, whose impressive silhouette was visible even from Cape Phées (modern Katakolo) on the Peloponnese—was and remains the central landmark and point of reference of this region and beyond? (See: http://homericithaca.blogspot.gr/2016/01/blog-post_14.html)

Is it true or false that several hours’ walk inland from the first coast (Skala beach) and the city lies the famed Cave of the Nymphs, dedicated to the Naiad water nymphs, described in the epic as the dwelling place of the “bees”—that is, the modern cave-lake of Melissani? (See: http://homericithaca.blogspot.gr/2016/01/blog-post_10.html)

Is it true or false that within the riverbed of the Vochyna stream, in the gorge of Poros, we encounter the legendary harbor of Reithron, described as being situated within the bed of a river? (See: http://homericithaca.blogspot.gr/2017/05/2.html)

Is it true or false that, moving inland from the harbor of Reithron in the Poros gorge, we indeed encounter a Mycenaean settlement at the site of Riza Tzannata—located in position and at a distance from the Reithron harbor exactly as described for the city of Homeric Ithaca—and that directly above this settlement rises a chain of hills known today as Pyrovouni (the ancient “Hermes Hill”), which served to control maritime navigation and still preserves remnants of ancient fortifications, watchtowers, and signal stations? (See: http://homericithaca.blogspot.gr/2017/05/2.html)

Is it true or false that for all these questions—both collectively and individually—this specific region corresponds with absolute accuracy to the Homeric descriptions, while none of the other proposed areas or islands possesses a single feature or argument that could outweigh it in comparison? (As for the argument of the “Lefkadists,” who invoke the stereotypical verse pun οὐ μὲν γάρ τί σε πεζὸν ὀΐομαι ἐνθάδ᾽ ἱκέσθαι, see Addendum .)

If we answer the obvious—that the first coastline on the southern side is the coastal zone of Skala, and that near this coast, according to the descriptions in the Odyssey, was the place where Eumaeus kept his herds, and not far from this area lay the city and palace of Odysseus, having nearby a riverine harbor situated within a gorge; that this region is the point closest to the shores of Elis; that it possesses the greatest abundance of running waters; that within it stands the famous forest-clad mountain Neriton (today’s Mount Ainos); and that some distance away from the city lies the wondrous Cave of the Nymphs, dwelling of the “Bees” (the Melissani cave)—then we must ask ourselves:

What is it that prevents us from accepting the obvious and compels us to continue gazing at our own navel, when precisely in this very region, the archaeologist’s spade—according to the archaeologists’ own statements—has uncovered the evidence of a major Mycenaean center (the only one so far discovered in the western Greek islands) dating to the era of Odysseus?

Our assessment is that the decisive factor here, beyond the prevailing academic opinion that views the Homeric texts merely as poetic compositions of the early Archaic period (which, as it is often said, was “not obliged” to provide lessons in geography), lies in our own limitations of belief and, in some cases, our various ideological fixations. These unconscious predispositions guide and hinder us from perceiving, with clarity of mind and critical reasoning, all that these texts—and the accompanying archaeological evidence—truly reveal.

Many of these questions would already have been answered if the scholarly community had devoted more time to research, so that numerous distortions could be corrected and we might respond convincingly to whether the Homeric Epics are indeed products of Mycenaean composition or, as the prevailing view holds, poetic syntheses of the early historical period—records of memories from an earlier age.

Verifying the accuracy and realism of Homeric topography in relation to past and present reality.

It is reasonable, however, for one to ask whether the apparent meaning of the Homeric descriptions truly corresponds to reality—that is, whether the southeastern part of the island of Cephalonia would in fact have been the most suitable location for the city of Homeric Ithaca, not because the Epic happens to describe it so (one might argue “by poetic license”), but because reality itself—life as it was actually lived—would have dictated it by necessity.

To address this hypothesis, we now invite you to agree or disagree with a series of logical arguments and factual geographical data, while examining the map that records the position of ancient Ithaca—namely, modern Cephalonia—and, around it, the totality of the islands and mainland possessions that belonged to this insular kingdom, both on the coast of Aetolia and along the northwestern Peloponnese. We shall, accordingly, pose several “rhetorical” questions.

A map on the left depicts the insular kingdom of Odysseus, while the one on the right presents this same kingdom in relation to the other Mycenaean centers of mainland Greece and the Peloponnese.

Let us assume that you have no prior knowledge of where the center of Homeric Ithaca was located—that you have never read Homer, or that, for some reason, such information had not been preserved in the Odyssey. Suppose, instead, that someone presented you with a map of Mycenaean Greece, where the island realm of Odysseus and all other Mycenaean centers are marked, and asked you the following:

According to the geographical realities of that era, which point within his island dominion would you consider the most suitable to have been chosen as the administrative center of this maritime kingdom? In other words, upon viewing this map, which island would you deem to have been the ideal place for the ruling class of the time to establish its seat of power—so that it might easily maintain direct and visible contact with all the islands and opposite mainland coasts under its control, including the region of the Achelous River and northwestern Peloponnese (Elis), as well as with the other major Mycenaean centers of the period, all of which were situated directly across from the southeastern shores of Cephalonia?

• Would it be the island of Lefkada?
• Would it be the island of Ithaca?
• Would it be the peninsula of Paliki?
• Would it be the peninsula of Erissos?
• Would it be the region of ancient Krane?
• Or might it, rather, be the southeastern part of the island of Cephalonia?

In our view, all the available data unmistakably point to the southeastern section of Cephalonia, which lies at the most central point of the entire insular complex—Lefkada, Ithaca, Cephalonia, Zakynthos, Achelous, and Kyllini—facing directly toward all the other Mycenaean centers located along the coasts of mainland Greece and the Peloponnese. It would indeed be a rare and extraordinary paradox were we ever to find that the Mycenaean center of the Cephallenians had been situated in the west (that is, on the peninsulas of Paliki or Erissos), completely isolated, lacking visibility, and literally turning its back to the other Mycenaean centers.

More specifically, we might ask:

Which island possessed this privileged position—being located directly opposite the entrance and exit of the Gulf of Patras, at that maritime crossroads where all the ships sailing the Ionian Sea intersected their routes, exercising absolute control over every sea passage?

• Was it the island of Ithaca?
• Was it the island of Lefkada?
• Was it the island of Cephalonia?
• And if it was Cephalonia—as indeed it was—then which part of the island commanded full control over these maritime routes? Was it the southeastern coast? The northern? Or the western?

The southeastern tip of Cephalonia is, quite evidently, the ideal geostrategic location for the control of both the maritime and the terrestrial zones of western insular Greece. It was precisely this position that, according to current archaeological findings, the Mycenaeans of that era appear to have chosen for the foundation and establishment of their own administrative and territorial control center in western island Greece.

The answer, once again, is self-evident: it is the southeastern part of the island of Cephalonia—where, during the early historical period, flourished the ancient city-state of Pronnoi. It is a persistent misconception, perpetuated by the repetition of the views of the German geographer Joseph Partsch, that Pronnoi was the least significant of Cephalonia’s city-states. In reality, as the sources suggest, it was the most powerful until its destruction by the Romans.

(See: Stamatina Zapanti, “The Participation of Pronnoi, Cephalonia, in the Athenian Alliance,” Kefalliniaka Chronika, vol. 5, pp. 193–200.)

Common sense dictates that this region—particularly during the Mycenaean period—would have been chosen by the ruling elite of the time for this very purpose, even, as one might say, “with their eyes closed.”

The importance of the geostrategic position of southeastern Cephalonia was underlined some years ago by archaeologist Dr. Lazaros Kolonas in his presentation at the 7th Pan-Ionian Conference, entitled “Ancient Settlements of Southeastern Cephalonia: Sites of Strategic Control over the Maritime and Terrestrial Territory of the Region” (Proceedings of the 7th Pan-Ionian Conference, vol. B, pp. 37–46).

The historian Polybius (5.3.6–9) also confirms the geostrategic position of Cephalonia—particularly its southeastern coast facing Acarnania—describing it as “a naturally advantageous base of operations against the territory of the enemy.”

Carte des Isles Sainte Maure, Céphalonie, Zante likewise illustrates the geostrategic significance of southeastern Cephalonia.

All the evidence therefore indicates that the southeastern part of the island of Cephalonia would have been the most ideal area of the island, providing to the fullest extent all the necessary advantages and conveniences.

And yet, nearly 120 years have already passed since archaeological exploration began its long and targeted quest to locate the palace of Odysseus.

• It has searched everywhere — on Ithaca, on Lefkada, at Krane, on the Paliki Peninsula, at Sami, at Erissos, at Eleios, at Skala.
• It has excavated everywhere — in Ithaca, in Lefkada, in Krane, in Paliki, in Sami, in Erissos, in Eleios, in Skala.
• Everywhere… except precisely in this region!

Except in the area of the Herakleion Plain, within the district of Pronnoi!

Indeed, what was it that blinded dozens of Homeric scholars, archaeologists, and archaeological schools, preventing them from ever coming to investigate the very area most in dispute, or to consider its possible connection with the long-sought center of Homeric Ithaca?

Can anyone explain this paradox?

In this region — which possesses every feature described in the topography of the Odyssey — only very recently, in 1991, did we first learn that Mycenaean installations existed in the so-called Herakleion Plain (the plain of Tzannata – Agia Eirini – Koronoi area).

(See: findings of the excavations by Dr. Lazaros Kolonas and his related publications in the Pan-Ionian Conference Proceedings.)

Subsequent archaeological research revealed that this area contains more prehistoric sites than any other region of Cephalonia.

(See: Giannis Moschos, “The Region of Pronnoi and the Eastern Coast of Cephalonia before History: Island Topography, Catalogue of Sites, and Conclusions,” Proceedings of the Pronnoi Regional Conference 2005, pp. 227–324; see also the first excavation reports by Dr. Antonis Vasilakis on the discovery of the oval megaron in the same disputed area.

Cf. Dr. Antonis Vasilakis, Mycenaean Seminar, “Alkis Argyriadis” Amphitheater, 20 December 2012, presentation entitled ‘Late Helladic Apsidal /Elliptical (Oval) Megaron at Tzannata Poros Cephalonia’.)

The overall answer to all these questions is precisely what one would expect — and it confirms, quite simply, the obvious. It is exactly this region where the memories of the land and its traces have never faded — all the more now that the “speaking stones” themselves have at last been found.

Aerial photograph of the monumental tholos tomb at Tzanata, excavated by the archaeologist Dr. Lazaros Kolonas during the campaigns of 1992–1994 (Photo: Kostas Koklanos)

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(Addendum) 

As readers may have already discerned, we deemed it unnecessary to engage in detailed argumentation regarding the claim advanced by proponents of the Lefkada hypothesis—and, more recently, of the Paliki peninsula as well—that the recurring stereotypical Homeric line, the wordplay "οὐ μὲν γάρ τί σε πεζὸν ὀΐομαι ἐνθάδ᾽ ἱκέσθαι" (“I do not suppose you came here on foot,” Od. 1. 173, Od.14. 190, Od.16. 59, Od.16. 224), can be validated only by identifying Homeric Ithaca with Lefkada. Their reasoning is that Lefkada is allegedly the only island to which one could have reached “on foot,” provided its landmass had once been connected to the adjacent mainland shores; hence, they argue… Homeric Ithaca = Lefkada, or alternatively, Homeric Ithaca = the Paliki peninsula.

We did not pursue this line of argument because, quite simply, we are dealing with one of the many recurrent formulaic verses—in this case, a playful one—that appear frequently throughout the Homeric text. It is not worth devoting extended analysis to such a point.

In any case, Homeric Ithaca is consistently described as a nēsos amphialos [νήσος αμφίαλος - Αμφίαλος Ιθάκη] (Od. 1.386, 1. 394, 1. 401, 2. 292, 21. 251), that is, an island entirely surrounded by the sea. Naturally, therefore, anyone arriving there from another land would necessarily have travelled by ship—unless, of course, he possessed the Christ-like ability to walk upon the waves.

Regarding their second sophistry—that Zophos [Ζόφος] (the quarter of darkness where the sun descends) is allegedly to be equated not with the West, but with the North, achieved by artfully rotating the map—we have already addressed this briefly in the present publication under the “correct or incorrect” question no. 2. The appeal to certain medieval hand‑drawn maps—whose distortions of reality were inevitable—cannot serve as evidence to substantiate their claims, especially since other maps of the same era depict Lefkada in entirely different, often opposite, orientations. What ultimately matters is not what any ancient commentator or cartographer imagined the world to be, but what Homer says—and this differs fundamentally from what such claims attempt to impose.

For the readers’ benefit, we may note that Homer explicitly contrasts the quarter of Zophos (the region of darkness—West) with that of the East, using the North as his point of orientation:

«…εἴτ' ἐπὶ δεξί' ἴωσι πρός ἠῶ τ' ἠέλιόν τε,

εἴτ' ἐπ' ἀριστερὰ τοί γε ποτί ζόφον ἠερόεντα….»  Il. 12. 239–240

Beyond this novel reinterpretation of “Zophos” through cartographic manipulation, the proponents of the Lefkada theory also overlook what is essential: that the island which lies “most towards Zophos”—Homer’s Ithaca—must simultaneously have amphi, that is, other named islands around it or at least on both opposing sides (“on either hand”). These islands must be drawn from among the three mentioned: Doulichion, Same, and Zakynthos. Unfortunately for advocates of the Lefkada hypothesis, Lefkada—given its solitary position in the north, while all the other islands lie to the south—could never have fulfilled such a requirement.

For those wishing to examine our extended analysis, see: http://homericithaca.blogspot.gr/2017/11/blog-post_10.html. 

As to why modern Lefkada—or the Paliki peninsula—neither was nor can be Homeric Ithaca, we have endeavored to demonstrate this throughout a sequence of related studies. Our intention has never been to enter into polemics aimed at dismantling weak arguments; we avoid such engagement unless invited to respond.

For clarity, we remind readers that Homeric Ithaca encompassed the entirety of ancient Cephalonia, including both the Paliki and Erissos peninsulas.

Regarding the long‑debated verse οὐδ᾽ εὐρεῖα Ἰθάκη (Od. 13. 243), Dr. Vangelis Pantazis (Kefalliniaka Hronika, vol. 8, 1999) demonstrated conclusively that the authentic Homeric reading was εὐρεία Ἰθάκη (“broad Ithaca”) and not the later modified forms designed to match the smaller historical island of Ithaki. According to Pantazis, the genuine reading—«οὐδέ λίην λυπρή, αυτάρ δ’ εὐρεία τέτυκται»—is preserved in a text of Tryphon the Grammarian (1st c. BC – 1st c. AD).

Concerning the disputed line μεσσηγὺς Ἰθάκης τε Σάμοιό τε παιπαλοέσσης (Od. 4. 845), we have treated it extensively in “Asteris: the Phantom Island of Homeric Topography,” arguing that it belongs to a class of later interpolations. See also O. Metaxas, *The Biography of the Odyssey* (forthcoming) and: http://homericithaca.blogspot.gr/2017/10/blog-post_15.html.

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Selected bibliography concerning the specific area and the Mycenaean presence on the islands of Kefalonia.

John T. Pierce, “Homer’s Influence on Mycenaean Archaeology and the Understanding of Late Helladic Historical Geography” (John T. Pierce, Professor Emeritus, Departments of Geography and Archaeology, Simon Fraser University, Canada.) https://jaa.thebrpi.org/journals/jaa/Vol_12_2024/1.pdf

John Albanese: (2020). “Some Preliminary Finds from the Tholos Tomb and Ossuary at Borzi Hill, Tzannata, Kefalonia.” Revista Maracanan 22. Available at: http://seer.unirio.br/revistam/article/view/11211/10988.

Klavs Randsborg, KEPHALLENIA: Archaeology & History, The Ancient Greek Cities, BLACKWELL MUNKSGAARD Vol. 1 & 2, 2002.

Lazaros Kolonas: “Tzannata of Poros,” Archaiologikon Deltion, vol. 47 (1992), part B1, Chronika, pp. 154–157.

Lazaros Kolonas: archaiologia.gr/print-article/?print=35604

Lazaros Kolonas: “Built Chamber Tomb at Tzannata of Poros, Cephalonia,” Kephalliniaka Chronika, vol. 11, pp. 381–382.

Lazaros Kolonas: Proceedings of the Conference on Letters, History and Folklore of the Pronnon region, “The Tholos Tomb of Tzannata of Poros,” p. 339.

Lazaros Kolonas: “The geographic advantage, the relief and the prehistory of an area, decisive factors for the foundation of a Mycenaean installation. The example of Cephalonia,” Proceedings of the XI Panionian International Conference, Argostoli Kefalonia2018, vol. 5, pp. 111–122.

Lazaros Kolonas: “Ancient Installations of Southeastern Cephalonia,” 7th Panionian Conference, vol. 2, pp. 37–45, Lefkada 2002.

Antonis Vasilakis: ttp://www.elliniki-gnomi.eu/archives/47791 “‘Odysseus was king of the Cephalonians’” | ELLINIKI GNOMI.

Antonis Vasilakis: Kefallonia Newspaper, interview with Dr. Antonis Vasilakis by Athanasia Markatou & archaiologia.gr/print-article/?print=35604

Antonis Vasilakis: “Mycenaean settlement at Tzannata of Poros, Cephalonia,” archaiologia.gr/?p=35604

Antonis Vasilakis (Honorary Director, Ministry of Culture; Former Ephor of Antiquities of Cephalonia–Ithaca & Zakynthos): “Mycenaean Seminar: Late Helladic Apsidal / Ellipsoid (Ovoid) Megaron at Tzannata of Poros, Cephalonia.”

Antonis Vasilakis: “Late Helladic Ellipsoidal Megaron at Tzannata of Poros. New evidence for the Late Helladic period in Cephalonia,” Proceedings of the 1A Panionion Conference 2018, vol. 5, pp. 51–74.  https://www.openbook.gr/ia-diethnes-panionio-synedrio/

Ioannis Moschos, “Mycenaean occupation in Cephalonia. Population nuclei, list of sites and conclusions,” 7th Panionian Conference announcement, Lefkada, 2002.

Ioannis Moschos, “The Area of Pronnon and the eastern coast of Cephalonia before history, topography of the island, catalogue of sites and conclusions,” Proceedings of the Pronnon Region Conference 2005, pp. 227–324.

Odysseas Metaxas, “Observations on the early biography of the Odyssey,” 2020, Kymothoe magazine, vol. 30, pp. 55–84.

Odysseas Metaxas: Diverging trajectories within the west Mycenaean koine: the evidence from Kefalonia. (book chapter) In Archaeology of the Ionian Sea, Oxbow Books (2022) 10.2307/j.ctv22fqc0s.18 (pp. 169-178)

Odysseas Metaxas: “Archaeolinguistic elements from Cephalonia,” 1A Panionian Conference 2018, vol. IV, pp. 751–769. https://www.openbook.gr/ia-diethnes-panionio-synedrio/

Ioannis Boskos & Odysseas Metaxas: “The Tholos Tomb of Mavrata 80 years later,” Proceedings of the 1A Panionion Conference 2018, 5th volume, pp. 125–137. https://panionio.files.wordpress.com/2020/07/04-boskos-metaxas-sel.-123-138_m.pdf

Georgia Stratouli, Odysseas Metaxas, Anastasios Bekiaris, Anagia Sarpaki: “Practical social cohesions in the Neolithic of the Ionian: readings of archaeological material from the Drakaina Cave in Poros, Cephalonia,” 11th International Panionian Conference (Corfu, 30 April – 4 May 2014), published in the Proceedings 2017.

E. M. Chatziotou–G. Stratouli–E. Kotzambopoulou, “The Cave of Drakaina,” Archaeological Proceedings of Athens (1989), pp. 31–60 & Evangelia-Miranda Chatziotou, Georgia Stratouli, “The Drakaina Cave at Poros Cephalonia: evidence for prehistoric use and cult in historical times,” Proceedings of the 6th Panionian Conference, vol. A, pp. 61–76.

Stamatina Zapanti, “The participation of the Pronnon of Cephalonia in the Athenian Alliance,” Keph. Chronika, vol. 5, pp. 193–200.

Olympia Vikatos, “In the footsteps of the Taphians pirates: their wanderings in the Ionian Sea during the Late Bronze Age and the Dark Ages,” Proceedings Proceedings of the XI Panionian International Conference, Argostoli Kefalonia 2018, pp. 75–110.

Christina Souyoudzoglou-Haywood, Archaeology and the Search for Homeric Ithaca: The Case of Mycenaean Kephalonia Article in Acta Archaeologica · December 2018

Christina Souyoudzoglou-Haywood,  Reuse and cult at the Mycenaean tombs of Kephalonia in the ancient historical periods. July 2020 In book: Proceedings of the XI Panionian International Conference, Argostoli Kefalonia 2018 (pp.223-242)

Christina Souyoudzoglou-Haywood, The Ionian Islands in the Bronze Age and Early Iron Age (3000-850 BC), 2nd edition. August 2025 Publisher: Liverpool University Press.

Christina Souyoudzoglou-Haywood,  Islands in the stream:: a maritime perspective of the south-central Ionian islands in the Late Bronze Age, January 2022 DOI:10.2307/j.ctv22fqc0s.15 In book: Archaeology of the Ionian Sea (pp.117-136)

Christina Souyoudzoglou-Haywood,  Archaeology of the Ionian Sea: Landscapes, seascapes and the circulation of people, goods and ideas from the Palaeolithic to the end of the Bronze Age January 2022 Publisher: OXBOW BOOKS 

Petros Petratos, “From Heracles to the Dragon. Arakli and the strait of Poros,” Proceedings 1st Conference on the Letters, History and Folklore of the Pronnon region, Cephalonia 2005, pp. 379–395.

Petros Petratos, “Homeric Nymph Cave: Melissani Cave,” Keph. Chronika vol. 8, 2003, pp. 239–265.

Petros Petratos, “The Homeric Krokyleia,” Kephalliniaka Chronika, vol. 9, 2003, pp. 155–165.

Marinatos, Spyridon N. 1962. Kefallinia: A Historical and Archaeological Walk.
(Πρωτότυπο: Κεφαλληνία. Ιστορικός και αρχαιολογικός περίπατος)

Marinatos, Spyridon. 1923 (for the years 1920–21). “Archaeological Investigations throughout Cephalonia.” (Πρωτότυπο: «Αρχαιολογικαί έρευναι ανά την Κεφαλληνίαν»)

Marinatos, Spyridon. 1932. “The Goekoop Excavations in Cephalonia.” (Πρωτότυπο: «Αι ανασκαφαί Goekoop εν Κεφαλληνία»)

Marinatos, Spyridon. 1933. “The Goekoop Excavations in Cephalonia (Part II).”
(Πρωτότυπο: «Αι ανασκαφαί Goekoop εν Κεφαλληνία» — συνέχεια του προηγούμενου τόμου)

Marinatos, Spyridon. 1951. “Excavations in Cephalonia.” (Πρωτότυπο: «Ανασκαφαί εν Κεφαλληνία»)

Marinatos, Spyridon. 1964 (published 1967). “Investigations in Sami of Cephalonia.”
(Πρωτότυπο: «Έρευναι εν Σάμη της Κεφαλληνίας»)

Henriette Putman Gramer – Gerasimos Metaxas, Homeric Ithaca: An unidentified Mycenaean center in the islands of the Cephalonians, Cactus Editions, Athens 2000.

Henriette Metaxas-Putman Cramer, Makis Metaxas, Jan Pierce, John Pierce.
"IN far SEEN ITHACA Unravelling Homeric Riddles in the Ionian Sea" (forthcoming).

Athens APE-MPE: “The most important archaeological events in Greece in 2011,” scientists speaking to APE-MPE, 28 Dec. 2011.

Vaggelis Pantazis, “The size of Homeric Ithaca,” Kephalliniaka Chronika, vol. 8, Argostoli 1999, p. 271.  

Until recently, the dubious line (Od. 13.243) describing Ithaca as ‘not broad’ (οὐδ᾽ εὐρεῖα) gave rise to serious differences of opinion. It was relied on as the main argument in support of the case for accepting the island now called Ithaki as Homer’s Ithaca, as Ithaki is certainly ‘not broad’, while Kephallenia is much too big to have been the island that Homer was referring to. On this subject the historian Dr. Vangelis Pantazis, in a paper (in Greek) entitled «Το μέγεθος της Ομηρικής Ιθάκης» [‘The Size of Homeric Ithaca’], Kefalliniaka Chronika 8 (1999) 267-274, cited conclusive evidence proving that the authentic Homeric line refers to Ithaca as ευρεῖα (broad, large), not as οὐδ᾽ εὐρεῖα or οὐκ εὐρεῖα: the alteration was made later in various versions to make it match the reality of historical Ithaki. According to Dr. Pantazis, the original line «οὐδὲ λίην λυπρή, αὐτὰρ δ᾽ εὐρεῖα τέτυκται» was discovered in a work by Tryphon Grammatikos (1st c. b.c. – 1st c. a.d.) published in the third volume of Anecdota Graeca by J.F. Boissonade.  J. La Roche’s firstly published this text in his annotated edition of the Odyssey (Homeri Odyssea) in 1868. This discovery restores not only the actual structure of the line in question (Od. 13.243) but also the extremely problematic line 118 in Book 24 of the Odyssey, where again, as shown by Dr. Pantazis in his exhaustive analysis, the word εὐρεῖα applies to Ithaca and not, of course, to the πόντος (sea), which appears to have been substituted for the original νῆσος (island). Support for the description of Ithaca as ‘broad’ or ‘large’ is to be found in an elegy on Homer’s love of Penelope by the Colophonian poet Hermesianax, who uses the adjective εὐρείης when referring to Penelope’s home island. The relevant passage is preserved by the sophist Athenaeus (Deipnosophistai, XIII.597).On the other hand, how can it be characterized as not being broad when the text itself places a huge mountain with dense forests, the mountain Neriton, and many areas for cultivation on the Homeric island of Ithaca?

https://www.pbs.org/show/odysseus-returns/

https://www.wsj.com/arts-culture/television/odysseus-returns-review-unearthing-myths-on-pbs-7b93c12f